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Algaze s proposal to see the uruk Expansion in terms of efflorescence, here conceptually it may be helpful to further distinguish growth and development In modern economic terminology, growth can be defined to mean an increase in per capita income or output, while development refers to the organizational and institutional characteristics of the society. In the uruk Mesopotamian context, though the dynamics of development is yet to be understood in full, there was apparently differences in levels of urbanization and overall social sophistication from the initial period to the second period when Babylonia was further distinguished from its neighboring regions.

Extended periods of economic growth are likely to be accompanied by the institutional changes subsumed under the rubric of development In consideration of the so-called urban Revolution and Labor Revolution that were evidently taking place in southern Mesopotamia, it is necessary to analyze the uruk Expansion under the rubric of development rather than simply in the context of an economic efflorescence Algaze s terms, the initial period of growth If the distinction between growth and development made above is valid, the explanation of the uruk Expansion would have to be divided into two parts, that of the economic efflorescence which perhaps ended the latest by the collapse of the southern outposts in upper Mesopotamia and that of the social and economic developments visible only during the final phase of the uruk Expansion traditionally termed the Jemdet Nasr Period.

государственный эрмитаж

It was the first part that G. Algaze explains as a specialization-driven burst of Smithian Growth based on the following factors : The majority of the commodities flowing southwards were raw or partially processed goods that required processing before they could be incorporated into the economy; the southern exports were instead typically finished textiles the production of which had multiple employment ramifications that went well beyond the production and processing of wool itself; the increase in the scale of the economy derived from the need to process both imports and exports made it possible and profitable to start replacing imported commodities with local production, fueling further specialization-driven development cycles; and the captives flowing southwards in the uruk Period were probably a primary source of the workers at the disposal of uruk state administrators for the advantage of gains from labor specialization and economies of scale It can be noticed that the focus is on the import substitution mechanism that fueled renewed growth, so to account for the temporal depth of the uruk Expansion Not necessarily contradicting the logic of Smithian Growth, it may be relevant here to bring out J.

Lin s conception of the infrastructure as an economic endowment, admittedly based on his study particularly on the equally impressive but less understood economic miracle of modern China during the last three decades. In addition to land or natural resources , labor, and capital physical and human , J. Lin thinks it useful to add infrastructure as one more component of an economy s endowments Though mostly speaking of modern developing economies particularly China, J. Lin s stress on the infrastructure is important for the explanation of the uruk Expansion.

Lin further distinguishes the hard infrastructure from the soft one: Infrastructure includes hard or tangible infrastructure and soft or intangible infrastructure. Examples of hard infrastructure are highways, port facilities, airports, telecommunication systems, electricity grids, and other public utilities. Soft infrastructure consists of institutions, regulations, social capital, value systems, and other social and economic arrangements Lin further clarifies that [t]he difference between factors of production and infrastructure is that the supply and demand of the former are determined individually by households and firms, whereas the latter are supplied by the community or governments in a form that cannot be part of the decisions of individual households or firms because they require collective action The Temple as an Economic Institution I suggest that the explanation of the southern Mesopotamian development needs to be seen from the perspectives of both the hard and the soft infrastructures.

Indeed, if coming back to the earliest phases of the uruk Expansion, M. Rothman s question rings But the necessity of other regions to trade with Mesopotamia is not as obvious during the initial period of the growth or the uruk efflorescence It was pointed out that southern Mesopotamia is unlikely a regional whole in the political sense during the uruk Period, as the city of the uruk region needs to be considered with an extra dimension, that of the primary state, if the Nippur Adab region has to be distinguished from the uruk city region as evidenced by archaeological survey data In the course of a series of stops and starts in early Mesopotamia and as of the initial Smithian Growth in G.

Algaze s formulation, the specific workings of the primary state, if it predates the Jemdet Nasr Period, has to be taken into consideration regarding the infrastructure which were likely integrate parts of the economic growth at that time. The problem is that the existence of the primary state cannot be presumed as early as the Middle uruk Period In this context if to mention, studying the economic growth in Song- Dynasty China, M.

Kelly pointed out that the state s taxation and spending are not as much relevant for Smithian Growth that took place insofar as it facilitated in the first instance the basic linkage of transportation between local markets by the creation of the national waterway network It may be deduced that, as long as the infrastructure is in place, the primary state perhaps needs not to be the primary mover initiating trade and economic growth in consequence.

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In any case, similarly in the uruk case, non-state actors can as well establish and maintain distant diaspora-style colonies in faraway areas and territorial annexation by states is often only the end result of long-term processes of colonization that began much more modestly with strategically situated isolated outposts seeking resources from native populations willing to trade The primary state may be methodologically bracketed when speaking of the economic infrastructures that accompanied the uruk efflorescence, therefore.

In this regard, it may be reminded that M. Liverani, notwithstanding the fact that he perceived the uruk Expansion as largely confined to the late phase of the uruk Period, spoke of the initial period of urbanization in Lower Mesopotamia as a temple-revolution, and the second phase a palatial one accepting compromise as solution to the breakdown of the uruk regional system If the question is to explain the development of southern Mesopotamia during the uruk Period along a much longer time, it is unknown whether the use of long fields in deeper Mesopotamia was consequential or even relevant at all However, it must be agreed that it is in the temple that we must look for the institutional organism that gave rise to the transformation It was the temples that carried the specialization of labor furthest, and financed long-distance trade by supplying merchants with textiles and other handicrafts from their workshops, and even provisioning and outfitting them in the early centuries.

The temples also regulated weights and measures, and sanctified the purity of the monetary metals Hudson s remarks make sense especially when seen against the growth of the sizes of temples as in relative terms with those of houses in uruk Mesopotamia By sanctifying commercial relations, taking the lead in coordinating foreign trade and adjudicating mercantile disputes, temples promoted the fair dealing and continuity that were preconditions for market exchange to develop In addition to M.

Hudson s stress of the Wengrow provides a different way of thinking of the uruk economy also taking seriously the temple.

His analysis focuses on the concept of commoditization, which appears to have been a ritually mediated process associated with the passage of goods, animals, and people through sacred institutions. The procession of livestock, agricultural produce, and finished goods borne by undifferentiated nude males towards the clothed figure of a female goddess represented on cylinder seals and more fully on the uruk Vase was a sign of this kind of commoditization In short, it has to do with quality control in which context such commoditization rites of passage took places in temples Wengrow s approach provides an interesting and new perspective to look at the temple as the infrastructure of the uruk expansion, linking the building of temples to the infrastructure that helped the booming of inter-regional trade and of the economy as a whole The Temple Economy and the Palace I hope I ve successfully outlined the point of view that, without involving the heavy loads of the Temple City model and from the perspective of the economic infrastructure, the temple gains new significance in the economy of uruk Mesopotamia, so that the key to understand the uruk Expansion is still on the temple.

Recently W. Sallaberger argues, through an analysis of 3rd and 2nd millennia archives, that not only do palace and temple fulfill distinct economic roles, the state institutions at the provincial level also need to be seen differently than those of the temple. Temples produce food and utilitarian goods, while the palatial system was concerned with the distribution of prestige items such as metals, luxury textiles, exotic goods, and fine food.

To do this, the palace requisitioned primary products from the temples at home and plundered or traded for raw materials and craft products abroad. These were then used to provide members of the elite with prestige goods. Sallaberger suggests that the control and distribution of royal treasure constitutes not only a crucial means of mediating the relationship between king and elites, but also constitutes a fundamental aspect of Mesopotamian kingship as, for example, supreme command of the army or ultimate control of territory.

Sallaberger s view of the distinctiveness of the palace and the temple can be partially backed by I. Schrakamp s retrospect of the Tempelstadt thesis What we need to be aware of is that the roles of state institutions at the provincial level were not yet in place when there is need to tackle the role of the temple as the infrastructure of growth during the uruk Period. The Paths of History. Cambridge, Cf.

Bentley J. Review of I. Cambridge, P ; Rigby S. Washington, P Hoskins G. Cambridge, P. The Metamorphosis of Enlil in Early Mesopotamia.

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Diakonoff remained and actually grew deeper after I came back to China. See Wang X. Beijing, P. Kaniuth [et al. Wiesbaden, P [further Schrakamp ]. Winona Lake, P ; Seri A. Local Power in Old Babylonian Mesopotamia. London, P The need to systematically explain the social and economic roles of the temple in the uruk Period has been noticed but seldom realized. Robertson J. Sas son. P , esp One of the major problems here relates to the fact that the so-called archaic texts mostly date to the end of the uruk Period, so difficult to shed light on the earlier phase of the uruk Expansion.

Englund R. London, P [further Algaze ], esp Stein G. Los Angeles, P , esp Ibid. Liverani M. London, [further Liverani ]. P Porter A. Cambridge, [further Porter ]. P Algaze P Ibid. P Ibid. P Porter P. Algaze G. Chicago, P ; Idem. Chicago, [further Algaze ]; Idem. Chicago, [further Algaze ]. Honolulu, P , esp Algaze P Algaze P For the usual practice in economic analysis of early Mesopotamia of ignoring periods earlier than the Fara Period, when we arguably have understandable textual sources, see for example: van Driel G.

Leiden, P , esp. Economic Theory and the Ancient Mediterranean. Oxford, P. Development, Geography, and Economic Theory. Cambridge, See more recently: Algaze G. Beijing, Lin J. Princeton, P Ibid.

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Finkbeiner, W. Wiesbaden, P Westenholz A. Copenhagen, P , speaks of an empire during the uruk Period. McMahon A. London, P , where evidence for the role of the primary state in Greater Mesopotamia during the Late uruk Period may be found. Cambridge, P , esp Algaze P.

Postgate J. Leiden, P Liverani P. London, P. If so, the palace should perhaps be seen more as an intrusive element from less complex societies than as any sort of natural progression inherent in the traditional Mesopotamian scene. P Hudson M. Hudson, C. Bethesda, P [further Hudson ], esp. Marketplaces normally were located in the vicinity of temples, whose authority helped sanctify commercial exchange.

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Powell M. P Liverani P. Chicago, P. Algaze P. Berlin, For the concept of commoditization; cf. Kopytoff I. The Cultural Biography Cambridge, P Cf. Reichel C. Boulder, P Sallaberger W. Hill [et al. Philadelphia, P ; Schrakamp This act marked the starting point of Egyptian historiography and the beginning of the dynastic list used as a chronological marker counting system. This region lacks its own historical chronology, and therefore traditionally relies on the historiography of the neighboring countries, primarily Egypt, for some correlations.

Numerous artifacts of Egyptian origin have been found in the course of archaeological excavations at sites in the southern Levant, while, sites in the Nile Valley of Egypt have yielded various artifacts imported from the southern Levant. These finds are related to burials and settlement strata dated to EB I, mainly to its later phases.

During the early phases of the succeeding south Levantine period, EB II, all evidence of mutual contacts and interrelations between the two regions are almost disappearing. A comparative analysis of the archaeological material from the southern Levant and Egypt permits us to establish the following factors: mutual influence of the material cultures and the traditions of the regions, character of the interrelations, reasons for the contacts and their abrupt termination, correlation of the chronologies and periodization systems of the regions.

According to archaeological research, the population of the southern Levant increased during the late EB I 3.

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Some of its settlements grew to considerable sizes, and probably functioned as regional or sub-regional centers, some fortified 4. For the first time a complicated settlement hierarchy is recorded in the region. Complexes of public storage facilities unearthed in small rural sites, e. These settlements are considered to represent communities with significant surpluses and are understood to have been associated [with] some regional polity or association of the villages, which likely administrated them and were responsible for dispensing their contents 7. Numerous The development of these processes led to the first urban cycle in the southern Levant.

While the Egyptian presence, per se, contributed little or nothing to south Levantine urbanism 8, the cultural and trade relations between the regions played an important role in the process. It is situated within the Nesher-Ramla cement quarry, five km southeast of the modern cities of Lod and Ramla.

It is delimited by the Ayalon water course to the west, Highway 1 to the east-northeast, and Highway to the south Fig. The site extends over the slopes of two adjacent hillsides, which together form a mainly crescent-shaped area, rising m asl, which encompasses the active quarry to its south and the valley below. During the s, intensive development of the quarry necessitated conducting archaeological salvage excavations at the site. Exploration began in , under the direction of Y. Hirschfeld and Y. Shapira on behalf of the Archaeological Institute of the Hebrew university of Jerusalem.

Large-scale excavations were conducted during the years , directed by S. Kol-Ya akov, under the same auspices. Gendelman and Y. From and to the present , the archaeological work at the site is once again directed by S. The late EB I necropolis revealed within the perimeter of the site consists of eight burial caves Fig.

The burial grounds are characterized by multiple, primary interments in natural, karstic caves minimally modified to facilitate burial Fig. Notably, the NRQ burials lack any evidence for cremation, which has sporadically been recorded at contemporaneous burial grounds in the southern sites of the southern Levant, either partial e. The reuse of burial caves is a widelyrecorded phenomenon in the region, as evidenced by other contemporary necropolis e.

The interred in the late EB I necropolis at NRQ were arranged in primary deposition on the floors of the caves, around the perimeters of the walls. Four adults, in three different burial caves, were laid out on stone-built pavements. The tradition of laying out the dead on such pavements is well documented for the late EB I, mostly at sites located in the north of the country e. Such depositions possibly attest to a high social status of the deceased, who were accompanied by a variety of funerary gifts, including pottery, groundstone vessels, flint tools, metal weapons, and faunal offerings Fig.

The quantity and variety of the gifts vary drastically from cave to cave and from interment to interment Juglets with high loop handles Fig. Finds from burial cave F See color plate I of the caves for burial purposes to EB I. The time span of this use was lengthy, and lasted until the very end of the late EB I; the multiple burials in the caves most probably indicate they served the community for more than one generation.

In terms of regionalism, the material culture of the NRQ burial caves belongs to a southern sub-culture of late EB I of the south Levantine landscape, albeit with several notable northern influences on local pottery and lithic traditions Artifacts Reflecting Egyptian South Levantine Interrelations Three ceramic vessels, imported from Egypt were noted among the NRQ late EB I pottery assemblages, two small drop-shaped bottles and an intact store jar, an observation confirmed by petrographic examination.

The drop-shaped bottles were found in two different burial caves F and F One of them exhibits a slightly elongated, globular body and a high cylindrical neck with a thickened, everted rim Fig. Its exterior surface is red-slipped. The second bottle differs from it by having a short neck with a rounded, slightly everted rim Fig. Petrographic examination revealed that both bottles were made of See color plate II alluvial Nile clays Their forms are very similar to Petrie s Sequence Type 87 a d In the southern Levant similar bottles are found at sites extending from northern Sinai to as far north as Ein Assawir on Israel s coastal plain, all of them in late EB I contexts Similar vessels imitating Egyptian forms and techniques were sometimes produced in the southern Levant from local clay sources.

These are restricted to southern sites e.

Thus, this type exhibits development from an initial import to becoming a local imitation. The intact store jar deserves particular attention Fig. The shape of this vessel is clearly Egyptian, a fact corroborated by petrographic examination of the jar It is of Egyptian marl clay, fired at a high temperature. Its exterior was left plain.

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